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Stability and Asymmetrical Threats in SE Europe

As delivered
Remarks by Ambassador Thomas J. Miller
Opening Plenary
“Asymmetrical Threats”

Conference on
“Stability and Asymmetrical Threats in Southeast Europe”
Wednesday, May 22, 2002
The Hyatt Regency, Thessaloniki

I want to thank the people who organized this conference because these people do deserve our deep thanks.  First and foremost the Minister, Minister Paschalides and his Ministry, including Paulina Lampsa who I know has done a lot to help put this conference together.  The Ministry of Defense and Minister Papantoniou, my good friend Ambassador Madden and the British Embassy, the American-Hellenic Chamber of Commerce, Western Policy Center of the United States, led by my good friend John Sitilides, the Royal United Services Institute, the SECI Business Information and Clearing Center, and last but by no means least, the International Organization for Migration, IOM, which has been instrumental in so many countries in helping deal with the problems of trafficking in human beings. 

I would like to start out by assuring you that the United States continues to pursue our common goal of a Europe free, whole, and at peace.  As the Minister said, in the Balkans we are much closer to that goal now than we were a year ago.  This is the good news.  After a decade of war, as the Minister said, Southeast Europe is finally at peace.  There still is a lot of work to be done, as I will mention in a moment.  However, I think the changes we have seen in the last year have largely been for the better.

To cite a very important example, very close to where we are today, the specter of renewed fighting in FYROM has receded.  Efforts can now focus on full implementation of the Framework Agreement, successful elections in the fall, and economic reconstruction.  This is good news, this is great progress.  This is the kind of progress we see across the region.  I will not say anything further, because my good friend Ambassador Larry Butler is here today and I know he will be talking to you a little bit later in the afternoon about developments in FYROM. 

Last April, Secretary Powell told our U.S. Senate that we need to “finish the job in the Balkans” and he said “we will.”  He and President Bush have said many times, and I often repeated this mantra when I was Ambassador in Bosnia-Herzegovina “We went in together and we will come out together.”  If any of you doubt the commitment of the US in the Balkans I will just refer you to those words. 

What is the job?  What is our common objective?  I think September 11 reinforced a trend that had been evident to many of us for some time and I think it underscored the need for new kinds of cooperation.  The trans- border issues that we will be discussing today -- terrorism, organized crime, trafficking in human beings, corruption -- they have moved to the fore.  In his Senate testimony last month, Secretary Powell summarized three inter-related objectives that the United States has.  First, to promote integration of Euro-Atlantic institutions, with the EU and NATO increasingly leading this engagement; secondly, to hasten the day when peace is self-sustaining so that we and our allies can pull our military forces out of the Balkans; and third, to ensure that southeast Europe is not a safe haven or way station for global terrorism.

This is our common agenda in the Balkans.  I believe today’s conference can contribute directly toward advancing these three objectives.  Greece, which as we all know, assumes the EU presidency in January of next year -- indeed it will be taking over certain key elements of the presidency this July on security and monetary affairs -- will play a very key role.  My Government looks forward to working very closely with the Greek presidency on these transnational issues.  Our goals are intertwined because our interests are interwoven and mutually reinforcing.

These mutually reinforcing linkages are especially strong in the fields that this conference today is addressing: stability, asymmetrical threats, and trans-border issues.  Therefore, since September 11, we have seen the United States and Europe, as well as many other countries, helping each other and reinforcing each other in this campaign against global terrorism.  The September 11 attacks -- make no mistake about it -- were aimed at all of us; we have banded together to fight back.  Each partner contributes according to his own abilities and specific objectives.  My country values these contributions greatly.  Sometimes, I think all of us have read in the media both in this country and elsewhere throughout Europe, that America is intent upon going it alone, taking a unilateral course in the campaign against terrorism.  When I read this, I just shake my head in disbelief.  Consider the following facts:

§ Fact:  161 countries have issued blocking orders, blocking well over $100 million in suspected terrorist assets.  Just over $34 million of these funds are blocked in the United States; a far greater amount, over $50 million, are blocked in Europe.
§ Fact:  About 150 countries have submitted reports to the United Nations on actions they have taken to block terrorist finances in accordance with UN Security Council resolution 1373.
§ Fact:  Multilateral actions with coalition partners are playing an ever-increasing role in the fight against terrorist finance.  For instance, the United States has taken joint action with the European Union on lists they designated on December 27 of last year and May 2 of this year.
§ Fact:  Nearly 1000 al Qaeda operatives have been arrested in more than 60 countries, many in Europe.
§ Fact:  17 coalition partners have contributed nearly 6000 troops to Operation Enduring Freedom and the International Security Assistance Force, or ISAF, in Kabul.  A Southeast European country, Turkey, will take over command of ISAF in June.
§ Fact:  Greece has provided vital access to the military base that it has at Souda Bay and has a naval frigate right now patrolling in the Arabian Sea, as President Bush noted in his address of thanks last March 25th on Greek Independence Day.  Bulgaria has also provided very important facilities.  Finally,
§ Fact:  Donor countries meeting in Tokyo in January pledged $4.5 billion in assistance to Afghanistan.  The United States was proud to be part of this effort, but it was many countries that put this money together.   

This is the true picture – this is the accurate picture.  Many different countries making different kinds of contributions to the fight against global terrorism.  I recognize that the United States – as large as our resources are – can not possibly prevail in this campaign without broad international support, including -- and I underline -- including here in Southeast Europe.

All of us face significant challenges to ensure that the Balkans is not a safe haven for terrorists.  As the Minister said, a decade of war and dislocations has left its mark.  In Bosnia-Herzegovina, where I served as ambassador until last summer, there was, and there still remains, a threat from the mujahedeen who stayed on after the Dayton peace accords, and other radical fundamentalist elements who have found Bosnia to be a safe haven.  I am pleased to report that there has been progress on this front.  The problem is by no means confined to Bosnia.  Recently, the Director of our Central Intelligence Agency, George Tenet, told the Senate hearing that we need to work with the countries of Southeast Europe to strengthen border controls, to reduce the number of small arms and other weapons in circulation, and to combat corruption and organized crime.

Here again, we see the inter-related threat that we face, what we all have come to call Asymmetrical Threats, and the mutually reinforcing impact of the steps we take to counter these threats.  On the agenda for today’s conference, there is a workshop on Trafficking in Persons, coordinated by Daniel Esdras and the IOM (the International Organization for Migration).  Trafficking in persons is a form of human rights abuse; it is one of the most insidious forms.  When we talk about trafficking in persons we are not talking about people who are coming to Greece or other countries out of their own volition, we are talking about people who are enslaved.  It is very important to make that distinction.  We are talking about organized crime, which is making a lot of money out of this.  It is very important to think about that as we see ourselves as a modern society and what kind of indictment this is of our modern, so-called civilized, society.  This is an Asymmetrical Threat.  It is related to violent organized crime organizations and ultimately can be related to terrorism.  Strengthening border controls and combating corruption and organized crime more generally are essential parts of an effective anti-trafficking strategy, which requires the same kind of close cooperation that we have used for years to prevail against international terrorism.

The same holds true for narcotics trafficking, for cigarette smuggling, for trade in stolen vehicles, illicit arms trading, and I could go on and on…  The whole rotten network of organized crime that connects Southeast Europe with the rest of Europe, the United States, the former Soviet Union and the Middle East.  These organizations engaged in all these illegal activities have money, they have weapons, and they have motive that includes terrorism.  They are a danger to stability here and elsewhere around the world.

To better arm ourselves against these dangers, we need stronger institutions and closer cooperation.  I often hear from Americans who have law enforcement background and experience and counter-terrorism experience just how hard it is, how difficult it is to keep from falling further behind the drug barons, the terrorist networks, the criminal bosses.  Each of us, on our own and separately, cannot just close this gap.  Sometimes it seems that the bad guys always stay one step ahead; every time we move a little closer they get one step further ahead.  Weak institutions, outdated equipment, lack of professionalism, corruption – each of these elements gives organized crime and terrorism a bigger head start and compounds the asymmetrical threat.

Working together  --  and it will take working together  --  we can narrow this gap.  The struggle begins at home, with rule of law, institution building, fighting corruption.  Success in these vital, basic tasks is never complete; the job is never done.  But a serious commitment to putting our own houses in order  --  and I include the United States as well  --  is absolutely necessary for building trust between governments and between governments and their societies. 

With this kind of commitment to professionalism and integrity, international cooperation can flourish.  It just needs clear, practical objectives, determination, and hard work.  There is a great example right here in the Balkans – the Southeast Europe Cooperative Initiative, or, as we all know it, SECI.

We have today with us Dr. Erhard Busek  --  who wears two hats now  --  who is the Special Coordinator for SECI, and he now heads the Stability Pact.  We also have or will have later today, Ambassador Richard Schifter, an old friend of mine, who many of us believe to be the godfather, the originator of SECI.  In fact, Ambassador Schifter was one of the first people in our Government to recognize the interrelated nature of the problems we face in the Balkans and  --  here is the key  --  to devise practical steps to chip away at these problems.  Both these individuals I know will be speaking to you later.  Permit me, however, to say a few more words about these two important organizations in the context of today’s discussion.

First, the SECI Crime Center in Bucharest and its network of Task Forces in Southeast Europe.  The Crime Center, as many of you know, is a no-frills, streamlined mechanism for enhancing law enforcement cooperation from detection to investigation, from prevention to prosecution.  It is unique in bringing together police and customs officials under one international umbrella.  Police officers here have told me repeatedly how important it is to be able to share case information with the right people, particularly in the countries of the region and particularly in a very timely manner.  I have heard the same kind of claim in Bosnia when I was there.  Established, formal mechanisms developed in an earlier age just can not keep pace with 21st Century crime.  This is why the SECI Crime Center is so important in trying to deal and keep up with this threat. 

Meanwhile, the specialized Task Forces, which focus on combating elements of crime and corruption that threaten stability in the Balkans, are operating, and operating very well.  On trafficking in human beings, for instance, I have seen the Task Forces at work in Bosnia and other countries of the region.  They fill an earlier void in coordinating a national response, in facilitating regional cooperation, and building a corps of dedicated professionals.  These Task Forces however, do face a daunting challenge, but they are already contributing significantly in the fight against human slavery.

Second, the Stability Pact, which is a much larger undertaking than SECI.  It has a major reconstruction element.  However, its focus on cross-border cooperation and in supporting institution building is just as important, if not more so, in the long term development and security of Southeastern Europe.  Stability Pact activities in these areas complement and dovetail with SECI’s work.  Initiatives such as the Small Arms and Light Weapons Clearing House in Belgrade can make an important contribution to fighting crime and reinforcing stability.  I am pleased to see that the Stability Pact is establishing a Fighting Organized Crime executive secretariat at the SECI Center in Bucharest to enhance the Center’s activities. 

I also want to put in a plug for the Initiative for Technology Cooperation in the Balkans about which I spoke on Monday; another very useful initiative. 

My good friend John Sitilides and the Western Policy Center in Washington have organized a workshop on Civil Military Cooperation in Southeast Europe, along with RUSI from the U.K.  Since the mid-1990’s, the western Balkans have been a virtual laboratory for new forms of civil-military cooperation, often involving NATO, the UN, OSCE, the EU, and others.  Combat troops have been called upon to perform police duties on a temporary basis.  I saw it in Bosnia and, as we have all seen, in Kosovo.  In Bosnia, we have seen the gradual transition from a heavy military presence to a much lighter presence which focuses increasingly on crime and corruption – the current greatest threats to stability there.  We look for this trend to persist and for the Bosnian people and their institutions to assume more and more responsibility, as they become able to shoulder additional burdens.  In that respect I am reminded of my good friend Paddy Ashdown, who will be moving in as the new high representative next week in Bosnia.  I think the people in Bosnia are very fortunate to have a man of such a stature and caliber moving into that job.  

Meanwhile, there is yet another aspect of civil-military relations of a domestic nature: civilian control of the military, one of a range of broad goals that good governance absolutely requires for further integration into the Euro-Atlantic community.  Finally, there are the new horizons in civil-military cooperation that opened following the events of September 11.  Even in the United States, the military took on new domestic security and civil defense tasks to respond to the magnitude of the asymmetrical threats we felt in my country.  For instance, we now have an Office of Home Security under Governor Tom Ridge.  This was created as a result of the events of September 11 -- something that, frankly, would have been inconceivable before September 11.

The countries of Southeast Europe aspire to join NATO and the European Union.  This is the integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions that has been a central goal of our policy in the region since the end of the Cold War and was recently cited, as I said earlier, by Secretary Powell as one of our three key interrelated objectives.  The process of converging toward NATO and the EU helps prepare aspirant countries to more effectively address trans-border crime and other asymmetrical threats.  As a member of NATO, the U.S. is committed to this open door policy, though we have not yet taken a position on exactly who should be invited to join NATO at the Prague Summit.  In the meantime, the steps involved in preparing for NATO membership  --  and this is very important  --  steps that extend from capabilities and missions to democratic institution building – these kinds of steps, in and of themselves, lay a much firmer foundation for combating the scourges of smuggling, trafficking in persons, organized crime and terrorism.

The U.S., as we all know, is not a member of the European Union, but we do support wholeheartedly the EU’s vision to expand to include Southeast Europe.  After all, the prospect of EU membership is perhaps the single biggest incentive for reform in aspirant countries, including those in the Balkans.  The formal mechanism for realizing progress in this direction obviously varies from country to county.  Some are applicants for membership; others are in the Stabilization and Association Process.  Whatever its form, convergence with the EU encourages institution building and fosters closer cooperation with the United States, as well as obviously the European Union.

The North Atlantic Alliance and the EU that Balkan countries aspire to join are themselves changing in response to these new asymmetrical threats that we increasingly face.  NATO, for example, is taking on new tasks that it had never envisioned before September 11.  In the European Union, September 11 has helped to spur major steps toward closer integration in Justice and Home Affairs.  As the EU proceeds with internal integration in this sphere, in particular, it should simultaneously, we hope, reach out to prospective members with a view to building national institutions and regional networks of cooperation.  This will enhance our common security from the very outset and ultimately hasten the day when the countries of the Balkans are fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic community.

Each country of Southeast Europe wants to join NATO and wants to join the EU.  Each of the countries that aspire to these memberships must demonstrate the determination, the political will, and the discipline it takes to prepare for membership.  That is a very tall order.  We know that.  My country and others want to help, but the responsibility is ultimately the responsibility of these countries themselves.  We want to help these countries succeed but it is ultimately their responsibility.  However, their success is all of our success.  In sum, as the countries of Southeast Europe prepare themselves to join NATO and the EU, their policies and their interests will become more interwoven with those of their neighbors, with those of the United States, with those of the EU, and our cooperation hopefully will become deeper, stronger, and, ultimately, more effective.

Next June, the leaders of the EU will hold their summit right here in Thessaloniki.  We welcome the Greek Government’s determination to give priority, as it has already, to the Balkans in organizing its presidency, and we will be working very closely with the Greek Government in realizing our common objectives.  Asymmetrical threats and trans-border crime in Southeast Europe offer very worthy challenges for further cooperation involving Greece, the EU, the United States, and the countries of the region.  Working together, hopefully we can make this a safer world, a more stable region, and move closer to our vision that we all have of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.

Thank you very much.